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The Dalai Lama: A Policy of Kindness

Tensing Gyatso, XIV Dalai Lama


Editeur - Casa editrice

Snow Lion Publications

Religione
Buddhismo
Vajrayana

Anno - Date de Parution

1990

Pagine - Pages

144

Titolo originale

The Dalai Lama: Policy of Kindness

Lingua originale

Lingua - language - langue

eng

Curatore

Piburn, Sidney


The Dalai Lama: A Policy of Kindness  

"...This is a very important collection...the writings are well chosen...most highly recommended."--Library Journal

"The Dalai Lama: A Policy of Kindness brought me gently and pleasantly into the life and mind of this extraordinary spiritual leader and assured the success of my interview with him."--Bill Moyers, PBS Television, Public Affairs TV, Inc.

"The style with which the editor captured the essence of this remarkable individual prevails in the excellent choice of material. A Policy of Kindness is ideal...the selections have substance, are beautifully written, and cultivate a rich sense of depth and versatility on themes that range from an intimate look into the life of the Dalai Lama to his thoughts on an assortment of current topics...elegant, inexpensive and captivating."--The Book Review

 


Recensione in altra lingua (English):

The Nobel Peace Prize Lecture Oslo, Norway

Brothers and Sisters:

It is an honor and pleasure to be among you today. I am really happy to see so many old friends who have come from different corners of the world, and to make new friends, whom I hope to meet again in the future. When I meet people in different parts of the world, I am always reminded that we are all basically alike: we are all human beings. Maybe we have different clothes, our skin is of a different color, or we speak different languages. This is on the surface. But basically, we are the same human beings. That is what binds us to each other. That is what makes it possible for us to understand each other and to develop friendship and closeness.

Thinking over what I might say today, I decided to share with you some of my thoughts concerning the common problems all of us face as members of the human family. Because we all share this small planet earth, we have to learn to live in harmony and peace with each other and with nature. That is not just a dream, but a necessity. We are dependent on each other in so many ways that we can no longer live in isolated communities and ignore what is happening outside those communities. We need to help each other when we have difficulties, and we must share the good fortune that we enjoy. I speak to you as just another human being, as a simple monk. If you find what I say useful, then I hope you will try to practice it.

I also wish to share with you today my feelings concerning the plight and aspirations of the people of Tibet. The Nobel Prize is a prize they well deserve for their courage and unfailing determination during the past forty years of foreign occupation. As a free spokesman for my captive countrymen and women, I feel it is my duty to speak out on their behalf. I speak not with a feeling of anger or hatred towards those who are responsible for the immense suffering of our people and the destruction of our land, homes and culture. They too are human beings who struggle to find happiness and deserve our compassion. I speak to inform you of the sad situation in my country today and of the aspirations of my people, because in our struggle for freedom, truth is the only weapon we possess.

The realization that we are all basically the same human beings, who seek happiness and try to avoid suffering, is very helpful in developing a sense of brotherhood and sisterhood--a warm feeling of love and compassion for others. This, in turn, is essential if we are to survive in this ever-shrinking world we live in. For if we each selfishly pursue only what we believe to be in our own interest, without caring about the needs of others, we not only may end up harming others but also ourselves. This fact has become very clear during the course of this century. We know that to wage a nuclear war today, for example, would be a form of suicide; or that to pollute the air or the oceans, in order to achieve some short-term benefit, would be to destroy the very basis for our survival. As individuals and nations are becoming increasingly interdependent we have no other choice than to develop what I call a sense of universal responsibility.

Today, we are truly a global family. What happens in one part of the world may affect us all. This, of course, is not only true of the negative things that happen, but is equally valid for the positive developments. We not only know what happens elsewhere, thanks to the extraordinary modern communications technology, we are also directly affected by events that occur far away. We feel a sense of sadness when children are starving in Eastern Africa. Similarly, we feel a sense of joy when a family is reunited after decades of separation by the Berlin Wall. Our crops and livestock are contaminated and our health and livelihood threatened when a nuclear accident happens miles away in another country. Our own security is enhanced when peace breaks out between wring parties in other continents.

But war or peace; the destruction or the protection of nature; the violation or promotion of human rights and democratic freedoms; poverty or material well being; the lack of moral and spiritual values or their existence and development; and the breakdown or development of human understanding, are not isolated phenomena that can be analyzed and tackled independently of one another. In fact, they are very much interrelated at all levels and need to be approached with that understanding.

Peace, in the sense of the absence of war, is of little value to someone who is dying of hunger or cold. It will not remove the pain of torture inflicted on a prisoner of conscience. It does not comfort those who have lost their loved ones in floods caused by senseless deforestation in a neighboring country. Peace can only last where human rights are respected, where the people are fed, and where individuals and nations are free. True peace with ourselves and with the world around us can only be achieved through the development of mental peace. The other phenomena mentioned above are similarly interrelated. Thus, for example, we see that a clean environment, wealth or democracy mean little in the face of war, especially nuclear war, and that material development is not sufficient to ensure human happiness.

Material progress is of course important for human advancement. In Tibet, we paid much too little attention to technological and economic development, and today we realize that this was a mistake. At the same time, material development without spiritual development can also cause serious problems. In some countries too much attention is paid to external things and very little importance is given to inner development. I believe both are important and must be developed side by side so as to achieve a good balance between them. Tibetans are always described by foreign visitors as being a happy, jovial people. This is part of our national character, formed by cultural and religious values that stress the importance of mental peace through the generation of love and kindness to all other living sentient beings, both human and animal. Inner peace is the key: if you have inner peace, the external problems do not affect your deep sense of peace and tranquility. In that state of mind you can deal with situations with calmness and reason, while keeping your inner happiness. That is very important. Without this inner peace, no matter how comfortable your life is materially, you may still be worried, disturbed or unhappy because of circumstances.

Clearly, it is of great importance, therefore, to understand the interrelationship among these and other phenomena, and to approach and attempt to solve problems in a balanced way that takes these different aspects into consideration. Of course it is not easy. But it is of little benefit to try to solve one problem if doing so creates an equally serious new one. So really we have no alternative: we must develop a sense of universal responsibility not only in the geographic sense, but also in respect to the different issues that confront our planet.

Responsibility does not only lie with the leaders of our countries or with those who have been appointed or elected to do a particular job. It lies with each of us individually. Peace, for example, starts within each one of us. When we have inner peace, we can be at peace with those around us. When our community is in a state of peace, it can share that peace with neighboring communities, and so on. When we feel love and kindness towards others, it not only makes others feel loved and cared for, but it helps us also to develop inner happiness and peace. And there are ways in which we can consciously work to develop feelings of love and kindness. For some of us, the most effective way to do so is through religious practice. For others it may be non-religious practices. What is important is that we each make a sincere effort to take seriously our responsibility for each other and for the natural environment.

I am very encouraged by the developments which are taking place around us. After the young people of many countries, particularly in northern Europe, have repeatedly called for an end to the dangerous destruction of the environment which was being conducted in the name of economic development, the world's political leaders are now starting to take meaningful steps to address this problem. The report to the United Nations Secretary General by the World Commission on the Environment and Development (the Brundtland report) was an important step in educating governments on the urgency of the issue. Serious efforts to bring peace to war-torn zones and to implement the right to self-determination of some peoples have resulted in the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan and the establishment of independent Namibia. Through persistent non-violent popular efforts dramatic changes, bringing many countries closer to real democracy, have occurred in many places, from Manila in the Philippines to Berlin in East Germany. With the Cold War era apparently drawing to a close, people everywhere live with renewed hope. Sadly, the courageous efforts of the Chinese people to bring similar change to their country was brutally crushed last June. But their efforts too are a source of hope. The military might has not extinguished the desire for freedom and the determination of the Chinese people to achieve it. I particularly admire the fact that these young people, who have been taught that "power grows from the barrel of the gun," chose, instead, to use non-violence as their weapon.

What these positive changes indicate is that reason, courage, determination, and the inextinguishable desire for freedom can ultimately win. In the struggle between forces of war, violence and oppression on the one hand, and peace, reason and freedom on the other, the latter are gaining the upper hand. This realization fills us Tibetans with hope that some day we too will once again be free.

The awarding of the Nobel Prize to me, a simple monk from far-away Tibet, here in Norway, also fills us Tibetans with hope. It means that, despite the fact that we have not drawn attention to our plight by means of violence, we have not been forgotten. It also means that the values we cherish, in particular our respect for all forms of life and the belief in the power of truth, are today recognized and encouraged. It is also a tribute to my mentor, Mahatma Gandhi, whose example is an inspiration to so many of us. This year's award is an indication that this sense of universal responsibility is developing. I am deeply touched by the sincere concern shown by so many people in this part of the world for the suffering of the people of Tibet. That is a source of hope not only for us Tibetans, but for all oppressed peoples.

As you know, Tibet has, for forty years, been under foreign occupation. Today, more than a quarter of a million Chinese troops are stationed in Tibet. Some sources estimate the occupation army to be twice this strength. During this time, Tibetans have been deprived of their most basic human rights, including the right to life, movement, speech, worship, only to mention a few. More than one sixth of Tibet's population of six million died as a direct result of the Chinese invasion and occupation. Even before the Cultural Revolution started, many of Tibet's monasteries, temples and historic buildings were destroyed. Almost everything that remained was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. I do not wish to dwell on this point, which is well documented. What is important to realize, however, is that despite the limited freedom granted after 1979 to rebuild parts of some monasteries and other such tokens of liberalization, the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people are still today being systematically violated. In recent months this bad situation has become even worse.

If it were not for our community in exile, so generously sheltered and supported by the government and people of India and helped by organizations and individuals from many parts of the world, our nation would today be little more than a shattered remnant of a people. Our culture, religion and national identity would have been effectively eliminated. As it is, we have built schools and monasteries in exile and have created democratic institutions to serve our people and preserve the seeds of our civilization. With this experience, we intend to implement full democracy in a future free Tibet. Thus, as we develop our community in exile on modern lines, we also cherish and preserve our own identity and culture and bring hope to millions of our countrymen and women in Tibet.

The issue of most urgent concern at this time is the massive influx of Chinese settlers into Tibet. Although in the first decades of occupation a considerable number of Chinese were transferred into the eastern parts of Tibet--in the Tibetan provinces of Amdo (chinghai) and Kham (most of which has been annexed by the neighboring Chinese province)--since 1983 an unprecedented number of Chinese have been encouraged by their government to migrate to all parts of Tibet, including central and western Tibet (which the PRC refers to as the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region). Tibetans are rapidly being reduced to an insignificant minority in their own country. This development, which threatens the very survival of the Tibetan nation, its culture and spiritual heritage, can still be stopped and reversed. But this must be done now, before it is too late.

The new cycle of protest and violent repression, which started in Tibet in September of 1987 and culminated in the imposition of martial law in the capital, Lacy, in March of this year, was in large part a reaction to this tremendous Chinese influx. Information reaching us in exile indicates that the protest marches and other peaceful forms of protest are continuing in Lhasa and a number of other places in Tibet despite the severe punishment and inhumane treatment given to Tibetans detained for expressing their grievances. The number of Tibetans killed by security forces during the protest in March and of those who died in detention afterwards is not known but is believed to be more than two hundred. Thousands have been detained or arrested and imprisoned, and torture is commonplace.

It was against the background of this worsening situation and in order to prevent further bloodshed, that I proposed what is generally referred to as the Five Point Peace Plan for the restoration of peace and human rights in Tibet. I elaborated on the plan in a speech in Strasbourg last year. I believe the plan provides a reasonable and realistic framework for negotiations with the People's Republic of China. So far, however, China's leaders have been unwilling to respond constructively. The brutal supression of the Chinese democracy movement in June of this year, however, reinforced my view that any settlement of the Tibetan question will only be meaningful if it is supported by adequate international guarantees.

The Five Point Peace Plan addresses the principal and interrelated issues, which I referred to in the first part of this lecture. It calls for (1) Transformation of the whole of Tibet, including the eastern provinces of Kham and Amdo, into a Zone of Ahimsa (non-violence); (2) Abandonment of China's population transfer policy; (3) Respect for the Tibetan people's fundamental human rights and democratic freedoms; (4) Restoration and protection of Tibet's natural environment; and (5) Commencement of earnest negotiations on the future status of Tibet and of relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. In the Strasbourg address I proposed that Tibet become a fully self-governing democratic political entity.

I would like to take this opportunity to explain the Zone of Ahimsa or peace sanctuary concept, which is the central element of the Five Point Peace Plan. I am convinced that it is of great importance not only for Tibet, but for peace and stability in Asia.

It is my dream that the entire Tibetan plateau should become a free refuge where humanity and nature can live in peace and in harmonious balance. It would be a place where people from all over the world could come to seek the true meaning of peace within themselves, away from the tensions and pressures of much of the rest of the world. Tibet could indeed become a creative center for the promotion and development of peace.

The following are key elements of the proposed Zone of Ahimsa:

--the entire Tibetan plateau would be demilitarized;

--the manufacture, testing, and stockpiling of nuclear weapons and other armaments on the Tibetan plateau would be prohibited;

--the Tibetan plateau would be transformed into the world's largest natural park or biosphere. Strict laws would be enforced to protect wildlife and plant life; the exploitation of natural resources would be carefully regulated so as not to damage relevant ecosystems; and a policy of sustainable development would be adopted in populated areas;

--the manufacture and use of nuclear power and other technologies which produce hazardous waste would be prohibited;

--national resources and policy would be directed towards the active promotion of peace and environmental protection. Organizations dedicated to the furtherance of peace and to the protection of all forms of life would find a hospitable home in Tibet;

--the establishment of international and regional organizations for the promotion and protection of human rights would be encouraged in Tibet.

Tibet's height and size (the size of the European Community), as well as its unique history and profound spiritual heritage make it ideally suited to fulfill the role of a sanctuary of peace in the strategic heart of Asia. It would also be in keeping with Tibet's historical role as a peaceful Buddhist nation and buffer region separating the Asian continent's great and often rival powers.

In order to reduce existing tensions in Asia, the President of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gorbachev, proposed the demilitarization of Soviet-Chinese borders and their transformation into a "frontier of peace and good-neighborliness." The Nepal government had earlier proposed that the Himalayan country of Nepal, bordering on Tibet, should become a zone of peace, although that proposal did not include demilitarization of the country.

For the stability and peace of Asia, it is essential to create peace zones to separate the continent's biggest powers and potential adversaries. President Gorbachev's proposal, which also included a complete Soviet troop withdrawal from Mongolia, would help to reduce tension and the potential for confrontation between the Soviet Union and China. A true peace zone must, clearly, also be created to separate the world's two most populous states, China and India.

The establishment of the Zone of Ahimsa would require the withdrawal of troops and military installations from Tibet, which would enable India and Nepal also to withdraw troops and military installations from the Himalayan regions bordering Tibet. This would have to be achieved by international agreements. It would be in the best interest of all states in Asia, particularly China and India, as it would enhance their security, while reducing the economic burden of maintaining high troop concentrations in remote areas.

Tibet would not be the first strategic area to be demilitarized. Parts of the Sinai peninsula, the Egyptian territory separating Israel and Egypt, have been demilitarized for some time. Of course, Costa Rica is the best example of an entirely demilitarized country.

Tibet would also not be the first area to be turned into a natural preserve or biosphere. Many parks have been created throughout the world. Some very strategic areas have been turned into natural "peace parks." Two examples are the La Amistad park, on the Costa Rica-Panama border and the Si A Paz project on the Costa Rica-Nicaragua border.

When I visited Costa Rica earlier this year, I saw how a country can develop successfully without an army, to become a stable democracy committed to peace and the protection of the natural environment. This confirmed my belief that my vision of Tibet in the future is a realistic plan, not merely a dream.

Let me end with a personal note of thanks to all of you and our friends who are not here today. The concern and support which you have expressed for the plight of the Tibetans has touched us all greatly, and continues to give us courage to struggle for freedom and justice; not through the use of arms, but with the powerful weapons of truth and determination. I know that I speak on behalf of all the people of Tibet when I thank you and ask you not to forget Tibet at this critical time in our country's history. We too hope to contribute to the development of a more peaceful, more humane and more beautiful world. A future free Tibet will seek to help those in need throughout the world, to protect nature, and to promote peace. I believe that our Tibetan ability to combine spiritual qualities with a realistic and practical attitude enables us to make a special contribution in however modest a way. This is my hope and prayer.

In conclusion, let me share with you a short prayer which gives me great inspiration and determination:


For as long as space endures,
And for as long as living beings remain,
Until then may I, too, abide
To dispel the misery of the world.
Thank you.



Biografia


Tratto da www.italiatibet.org traduzione di Vicky Sevegnani.


 



Sua Santità Tenzin Gyatso, 14° Dalai Lama del Tibet, è il capo temporale e spirituale del popolo tibetano. Nato con il nome di Lhamo Dhondrub il 6 luglio 1935 in un piccolo villaggio chiamato Taktser, nel nordest del Tibet, da una famiglia di contadini, all’età di due anni fu riconosciuto come la reincarnazione del suo predecessore, il 13° Dalai Lama e, secondo la tradizione buddista tibetana, come reincarnazione di Avalokitesvara, il Buddha della Compassione che scelse di tornare sulla terra per servire la gente.





La ricerca della reincarnazione



Quando il 13° Dalai Lama morì, nel 1935, il compito che il Governo Tibetano dovette affrontare non fu quello della semplice nomina di un successore ma la ricerca del bambino in cui il “Buddha della Compassione si fosse reincarnato.
Il Reggente si recò al lago sacro di Lhamo Lhatso a Chokhorgyal, circa 90 miglia a sud-est della capitale, Lhasa. Da secoli i tibetani, quando dovevano prendere decisioni importanti per il loro futuro, osservavano le acque di questo lago la cui superficie rifletteva immagini significative e forniva utili indicazioni.
Il Reggente vide tre lettere dell’alfabeto tibetano, Ah, Ka e Ma, accompagnate dall’immagine di un monastero dal tetto di giada verde e oro e di una casa con tegole turchesi. Nel 1937 alti lama e dignitari, messi al corrente della visione, furono inviati in tutte le regioni dell’altopiano alla ricerca del luogo che il Reggente aveva visto nelle acque. Il gruppo di ricerca che si indirizzò verso est era guidato dal Lama Kewtsang Rinpoche, appartenente al monastero di Sera.



Quando arrivarono in Amdo, trovarono un luogo che corrispondeva alla descrizione della visione segreta. Il gruppo si recò verso la casa con le tegole turchesi. Kewtsang Rinpoche indossava le vesti di un servitore mentre l’effettivo servitore, Lobsang Tsewang, vestiva quelle del capo delegazione. Rinpoche aveva con sé un rosario appartenuto al 13° Dalai Lama: il bambino che era nella casa lo riconobbe e chiese che gli fosse dato. Kewtsang Rinpoche promise che glielo avrebbe consegnato se avesse riconosciuto chi fosse. Il piccolo rispose “Sera aga” che, nel dialetto locale, significa “un lama di Sera”. Allora Rinpoche gli chiese quale dei due arrivati fosse il capo della delegazione e il bambino disse correttamente il nome del lama; conosceva inoltre anche il nome del vero servitore. A questa, seguì un’altra serie di prove tra cui il riconoscimento di una serie di oggetti appartenuti al 13° Dalai Lama.



Il positivo esito delle prove fornì la certezza che la reincarnazione era stata trovata e fu avvalorata dal significato delle tre lettere che erano state viste nel lago di Lhamo Lhatso: Ah per Amdo, il nome della provincia; Ka per Kumbum, uno dei più grandi monasteri nelle vicinanze e le due lettere Ka e Ma per il monastero di Karma Rolpai Dorje, il monastero dal tetto verde e oro sulla montagna sopra il villaggio. La cerimonia di investitura ebbe luogo il 22 febbraio 1940 a Lhasa, capitale del Tibet.



In qualità di Dalai Lama, Lhamo Dhondrub fu ribattezzato con i nomi di Jetsun Jamphel Ngawang Lobsang Yeshe Tenzin Gyatso (Signore Santo, Mite Splendore, Compassionevole, Difensore della Fede, Oceano di Saggezza). I Tibetani solitamente si riferiscono a Sua Santità come Yeshe Norbu, la Gemma [che esaudisce i desideri] o semplicemente come Kundun, la Presenza.



L’educazione in Tibet



Il Dalai Lama iniziò la sua educazione all’età di sei anni e conseguì il diploma di Geshe Lharampa (o Dottorato in Filosofia Buddista) all’età di 25 anni, nel 1959. A 24 anni, sostenne gli esami preliminari in ciascuna delle tre università monastiche di Drepung, Sera e Ganden. L’esame finale ebbe luogo nel Jokhang, a Lhasa, durante la festività del Monlam che si svolge ogni anno durante il primo mese del calendario Tibetano.




L’assunzione delle responsabilità di governo


Il 17 Novembre 1950, dopo l’invasione del Tibet da parte di 80.000 soldati dell’Esercito di Liberazione Popolare, fu chiesto a Sua Santità di assumere i pieni poteri politici come capo di Stato e di Governo. Nel 1954 si recò a Pechino per avviare un dialogo pacifico con Mao Tse-Tung e altri leader cinesi, fra i quali Chou En-Lai e Deng Xiaoping. Nel 1956, durante una visita in India in occasione del 2.500° anniversario del Buddha Jayanti, ebbe una serie di incontri con il Primo Ministro Nehru e con il Premier Chou En-Lai in cui fu discusso il progressivo deterioramento della situazione all’interno del Tibet.
I suoi tentativi di soluzione pacifica del conflitto Sino-Tibetano furono vanificati dalla spietata politica perseguita da Pechino nel Tibet Orientale, politica che scatenò la sollevazione popolare e la resistenza. La protesta si diffuse nelle altre regioni del paese. Il 10 marzo 1959 nella capitale, Lhasa, esplose la più grande dimostrazione della storia tibetana: il popolo chiese alla Cina di lasciare il Tibet e riaffermò l’indipendenza del paese. La sollevazione nazionale tibetana fu brutalmente repressa dall’esercito cinese.
Il Dalai Lama fuggì in India dove ottenne asilo politico. Circa 80.000 tibetani lo seguirono e, attualmente, i profughi in India sono più di 120.000. Dal 1960, il Dalai Lama risiede a Dharamsala, una cittadina situata nello stato indiano dell’Himachal Pradesh, conosciuta anche come “la piccola Lhasa” e sede del Governo Tibetano in esilio.
Nei primi anni dell’esilio, Sua Santità si appellò alle Nazioni Unite per una soluzione della questione tibetana. L’assemblea Generale, rispettivamente nel 1959, 1961 e 1965, adottò tre risoluzioni nelle quali si esortava la Cina a rispettare i diritti umani dei tibetani e la loro aspirazione all’autodeterminazione.
Con la costituzione del Governo Tibetano in esilio, il Dalai Lama comprese che il suo primo obbiettivo doveva essere la preservazione della comunità tibetana e della sua cultura. I rifugiati tibetani furono inseriti in insediamenti agricoli. Fu sostenuto lo sviluppo economico e fu organizzato un sistema scolastico basato sull’insegnamento della cultura tibetana affinché i figli dei rifugiati potessero acquisire la piena conoscenza della loro lingua, storia, cultura e religione. Nel 1959 fu creato l’Istituto Tibetano delle Arti e lo Spettacolo e l’Istituto Centrale di Studi Tibetani Superiori divenne una Università per i tibetani in India. Allo scopo di preservare il vasto corpo degli insegnamenti del Buddismo tibetano, essenza del sistema di vita del popolo del Tibet, furono rifondati nell’esilio oltre 200 monasteri.
Nel 1963, Sua Santità promulgò una costituzione democratica, che servisse da modello per un futuro Tibet libero, basata sia sui principi del Buddismo sia sulla Dichiarazione Universale dei Diritti Umani. Oggi i membri del parlamento sono eletti direttamente del popolo che, dalla primavera 2001, elegge direttamente anche il Kalon Tripa, o Primo Ministro, del governo tibetano. Il Primo Ministro, a sua volta, designa i componenti del proprio governo. Sua Santità ha continuamente sottolineato la necessità di democratizzare l’amministrazione tibetana e ha pubblicamente dichiarato che quando il Tibet avrà ottenuto l’indipendenza, non manterrà alcuna carica politica.
Nel 1987 a Washington, in occasione della riunione del Comitato del Congresso per i Diritti Umani, il Dalai Lama propose un Piano di Pace in Cinque Punti come un primo passo verso la soluzione del futuro status del Tibet. Questo piano chiedeva la trasformazione del Tibet in una zona di pace, la fine dei massicci trasferimenti di popolazione di etnia cinese in Tibet, il ripristino dei fondamentali diritti umani e delle libertà democratiche, l’abbandono da parte della Cina dell’utilizzo del territorio tibetano per la produzione di armi nucleari e lo scarico di rifiuti radioattivi e, infine, auspicava l’avvio di “seri negoziati” sul futuro del Tibet.
A Strasburgo, in Francia, il 15 giugno 1988, il Dalai Lama elaborò il
Piano di Pace in Cinque Punti
proponendo la creazione di un Tibet democratico ed autonomo, “all’interno della Repubblica Popolare Cinese.”
Il 9 ottobre 1991, durante un discorso tenuto alla Yale University negli Stati Uniti, Sua Santità disse che desiderava visitare il Tibet personalmente per valutare la situazione politica. Disse: “Temo che una situazione così esplosiva possa portare alla violenza. Voglio fare del mio meglio per impedirlo … Il mio viaggio dovrebbe costituire una nuova opportunità per promuovere la comprensione e creare le basi per una soluzione negoziale.”
Dopo quasi dieci anni di assenza di qualsiasi contatto formale tra Cina e Governo Tibetano in Esilio, nel settembre 2002 e nel giugno 2003 due delegazioni tibetane hanno potuto recarsi un visita in Cina e Tibet. Secondo Dharamsala, si è trattato di incontri preparatori ad un eventuale, futuro negoziato, miranti a creare le indispensabili premesse di distensione e fiducia.





I contatti con l’Occidente


A partire dal 1967, Sua Santità ha intrapreso una serie di viaggi che lo hanno portato in circa 46 nazioni. Nell’autunno del 1991, ha visitato gli Stati Baltici su invito del Presidente Vytautas Landsbergis ed è stato il primo leader straniero a tenere un discorso davanti al Parlamento Lituano. Il Dalai Lama ha incontrato Papa Paolo VI in Vaticano nel 1973. Durante una conferenza stampa a Roma, nel 1980, ha espresso le sue speranze alla vigilia dell’incontro con Giovanni Paolo II: “Viviamo in un periodo di grande crisi, un periodo in cui il mondo è scosso da turbolenti sviluppi . Non è possibile trovare la pace dell’anima senza la sicurezza e l’armonia fra le genti. Per questo motivo aspetto con fede e speranza di incontrare il Santo Padre; per avere uno scambio di idee e sentimenti e per raccogliere i suoi suggerimenti, per aprire la strada ad una progressiva pacificazione fra i popoli.”
Il Dalai Lama incontrò Papa Giovanni Paolo II in Vaticano nel 1980, 1982, 1986, 1988 e 1990. Nel 1981, Sua Santità incontrò a Londra l’Arcivescovo di Canterbury, dr. Robert Runcie e altri leader della Chiesa Anglicana. Ha incontrato inoltre i massimi rappresentanti della Chiesa Cattolica Romana e delle Comunità Ebraiche e ha tenuto un discorso durante un incontro interreligioso che si è tenuto in suo onore al Congresso Mondiale delle Religioni. Queste le sue parole: “Credo sempre che sia molto meglio avere una varietà di religioni e filosofie diverse piuttosto che una singola religione o una singola filosofia. E’ necessario a causa della diversa disposizione mentale di ciascun essere umano. Ogni religione ha le sue peculiari idee e pratiche: imparare a conoscerle può solo arricchire la fede di ciascuno.”






Premi e Riconoscimenti



Sin dalla sua prima visita in Occidente, all’inizio del 1973, numerose università ed istituzioni occidentali hanno conferito al Dalai Lama Premi per la Pace e Lauree ad Honorem, in segno di riconoscimento per gli approfonditi testi sulla filosofia buddista e per il ruolo svolto nella soluzione dei conflitti internazionali, nella questione dei diritti umani e in quella, a carattere globale, dei problemi ambientali. Nel 1989, nel proclamare l’assegnazione del premio Raoul Wallemberg per i Diritti Umani del Congresso, il deputato statunitense Tom Lantos disse: “La coraggiosa lotta di Sua Santità il Dalai Lama fa di lui un eminente sostenitore dei diritti umani e della pace nel mondo. I suoi continui sforzi per porre fine alle sofferenze del popolo Tibetano attraverso negoziati pacifici e la riconciliazione hanno richiesto un enorme coraggio e sacrificio.”



Il
Premio Nobel per la Pace



La decisione del Comitato Norvegese per il Premio Nobel di assegnare il Premio Nobel per la Pace 1989 a Sua Santità il Dalai Lama è stata accolta in tutto il mondo, unica eccezione la Cina, con applausi e consensi. L’annuncio del Comitato così recita: “Il Comitato vuole sottolineare il fatto che il Dalai Lama, nella sua lotta per la liberazione del Tibet, si è continuamente opposto all’uso della violenza. Ha appoggiato invece soluzioni pacifiche basate sulla tolleranza e sul reciproco rispetto con l’obiettivo di conservare l’eredità storica e culturale del suo popolo. Il Dalai Lama ha sviluppato la sua filosofia di pace sulla base di un grande rispetto per tutti gli esseri viventi e sull’idea di responsabilità universale che abbraccia tutto il genere umano così come la natura. E’ opinione del Comitato che il Dalai Lama abbia formulato proposte costruttive e lungimiranti per la soluzione dei conflitti internazionali, del problema dei diritti umani e dei problemi ambientali mondiali”.
Il 10 Dicembre 1989, Sua Santità accettò il premio a nome di tutti gli oppressi, di tutti coloro che lottano per la libertà e la pace nel mondo e a nome del popolo tibetano. Nel suo commento disse: “Questo premio costituisce un’ulteriore conferma delle nostre convinzioni: usando come sole arma la verità, il coraggio e la determinazione, il Tibet sarà liberato. La nostra lotta deve rimanere non violenta e libera dall’odio.” In quell’occasione, lanciò anche un messaggio di incoraggiamento al movimento democratico guidato dagli studenti cinesi. “Nel giugno di quest’anno, in Cina, il movimento popolare democratico è stato schiacciato da una forza brutale. Ma non credo che le dimostrazioni siano state vane perché lo spirito di libertà si è riacceso nel popolo cinese e la Cina non può rimanere estranea allo spirito di libertà che si va diffondendo in molte parti del mondo. I coraggiosi studenti e i loro sostenitori hanno mostrato ai leader cinesi e al mondo il volto umano di una grande nazione.”


 




Un semplice monaco buddista



Sua Santità dice spesso: “Sono un semplice monaco buddista, niente di più e niente di meno.”
Conduce la stessa vita dei monaci buddisti. Vive in una piccola casa a Dharamsala, si alza alle 4 del mattino per meditare, prosegue con un ininterrotto programma di incontri amministrativi, udienze private, insegnamenti religiosi e cerimonie. Prima di ritirarsi, conclude la sua giornata con altre preghiere. Quando vuole spiegare quali sono le sue più importanti fonti di ispirazione, spesso cita i suoi versi preferiti, tratti dagli scritti di Shantideva, un celebre santo buddista dell’VIII° secolo:



Finché esisterà lo spazio
E finché vi saranno esseri viventi,
Fino ad allora possa io rimanere
Per scacciare la sofferenza dal mondo

Informazioni tratte dal sito ufficiale del governo tibetano in esilio

Consulta anche: Biografia su Italia Tibet