Le otto manifestazioni di Padmasambhava

DANCE OF THE GURU'S EIGHT ASPECTS

The "ground" of the outer and the mental environment into a Buddha-field, and so on.

Many 'chams, such as the Phur-'chams of the Fifth Dalai Lama's text, are divided into two main sections: a "Root Dance" for the "Realisation of Enlightenment", and a following section for "Liberating Negativity". This corresponds to the two basic divisions of Mahayoga yi-dam deity practice in general.

Each dancer or set of dancers normally move in a clockwise circular path, sometimes marked by concentric circles outlined with flour or chalk. The style of dancing depends on the nature of the figures portrayed, and the type of ritual activity they are performing. Black Hat dancers, Buddhas, yi-dams and high-ranking dharmapalas, often dance with slow dignified movements. Every movement has a significance; much of the Fifth Dalai Lama's obstacles to realisation, may retain their "untamed" appearance, and perform running and stamping "dances".

La "base" dell'ambiente esteriore e mentale in un campo di Buddha, e così via.

Ogni danzatore o gruppo di danzatori si muove normalmente seguendo un percorso circolare in senso orario, a volte segnato da cerchi concentrici delineati con farina o gesso. Lo stile della danza dipende dalla natura delle figure ritratte e dal tipo di attività rituale che stanno svolgendo. I danzatori del Cappello Nero, i Buddha, gli yi-dam e i dharmapala di alto rango, spesso danzano con movimenti lenti e dignitosi. Ogni movimento ha un significato. Molti degli ostacoli alla realizzazione del Quinto Dalai Lama possono mantenere il loro aspetto "selvaggio" ed eseguire "danze" di corsa e scalpitando.

THE GURU MTSHAN BRGYAD 'CHAMS

According to my informants in Rewalsar, the Guru mTshan brgyad 'chams - Dance of the Guru's Eight Aspects - was introduced by the great rNying-ma-pa gter-ston, Guru Chos-kyi dBang-phyug (1212-70) or Guru Chos-dbang for short. In meditation, he visited Zangs mdog dpal ri (The Glorious Copper-coloured Mountain), the Buddha-field of Guru Padma, and he observed the  dākas, dākinīs, and various forms of the Guru, dancing. When he "returned" to the ordinary level of experience, he taught the dances, which became very popular in Tibet; they were performed in many rNying-ma-pa monasteries, and also in some bKa'-rgyud-pa monasteries.
Based on Guru Chos-dbang's teaching, the order and the steps of the dances of the Guru's áspects are the same in each case, and although there are slight variations in the decorations of the costumes, each aspect has his characteristic features and is clearly recognisable. There is no daaborate costumes.

THE GURU MTSHAN BRGYAD 'CHAM

There is no dance manual associated with the dance, but the tradition is orally preserved. The Guru always "manifests" in this dance on the tenth day of the moon, the time when, according to the "myth", Guru Padma promised to return and to be present in person. In the Vajrayana, the tenth day is considered to display the energy of the male heruka; Guru Padma can be seen as the enlightened heruka par excellence, and throughout the year, Guru Padma Tshogs offerings are performed on the tenth day.

Nonetheless, Guru mTshan brgyad 'chams are not always identical in that there may be variations in the dances of the retinue, some involving more dances than others, and while some, like the 'chams at Rewalsar, focus on the Guru's appearance, at other monasteries the Eight Aspects dance is integrated into another 'chams. For example, at a 'chams observed by G.A. Combe (1926: Ch.XV, 179-198) at Tachienlu, the "manifestation" was followed on the eleventh day by a 'chams of rDo-rie Phur-pa, which culminated in a "Casting the gtor-ma" (gtor-rgyab) ritual. Similarly, in the Guru mTshan brgyad 'chams at the ' Brug-pa monastery in Tashi Jong, an elaborate Phur- chams was performed on the ninth day, and there were further dances of wrathful emanations in the mandala of Guru Padma on the eleventh day. According to Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1976: 38-40), there are two alternative sequences in the Guru mTshan brgyad 'chams in the ' Brug-pa monastery at Hemis, Ladakh: either there are additional dances of homage to the Guru, or there is a second day and a number of dances demonstrating the destruction of negativity embodied, in a liñga, followed by a dedication of animals in a "scapegoat" type ritual.

IL GURU MTSHAN BRGYAD 'CHAM

Non esiste un manuale di danza associato a questa danza, ma la tradizione è tramandata oralmente. Il Guru si "manifesta" sempre in questa danza il decimo giorno della luna, il momento in cui, secondo il "mito", Guru Padma promise di tornare e di essere presente di persona.

Nel Vajrayana, il decimo giorno è considerato la manifestazione dell'energia dell'heruka maschile; Guru Padma può essere visto come l'heruka illuminato per eccellenza e, durante tutto l'anno, le offerte a Guru Padma Tshog vengono eseguite il decimo giorno. Tuttavia, i 'cham del Guru mTshan brgyad non sono sempre identici, in quanto possono esserci variazioni nelle danze del seguito, alcune delle quali prevedono più danze di altre, e mentre alcune, come i 'cham di Rewalsar, si concentrano sull'apparizione del Guru, in altri monasteri la danza degli Otto Aspetti è integrata in un altro 'cham.

Ad esempio, in un 'cham osservato da G.A. Combe a Tachienlu, la "manifestazione" era seguita l'undicesimo giorno da un 'cham di rDo-rie Phur-pa, che culminava nel rituale del "Lancio del gtor-ma" (gtor-rgyab).

Allo stesso modo, nel Guru mTshan brgyad 'chams presso il monastero 'Brug-pa di Tashi Jong, il nono giorno veniva eseguito un elaborato Phur-chams, e l'undicesimo giorno si svolgevano ulteriori danze di emanazioni irate nel mandala di Guru Padma. Secondo Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1976: 38-40), nel Guru mTshan brgyad 'chams del monastero 'Brug-pa di Hemis, in Ladakh, si possono osservare due sequenze alternative: o danze aggiuntive di omaggio al Guru, oppure un secondo giorno con una serie di danze che dimostrano la distruzione della negatività incarnata in una liñga, seguita dalla dedicazione di animali in un rituale di tipo "capro espiatorio" (come abbiamo visto a Stongde nell'inverno 1993 ndt).

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From the available accounts, it seems that the basic structure of the Guru mTshan brgyad 'chams itself involves three sections. First, there are dances to prepare the ground and transform it into the Buddha-field.

Dai resoconti disponibili, sembra che la struttura di base del Guru mTshan brgyad 'chams stesso comprenda tre sezioni. Innanzitutto, ci sono le danze per preparare il terreno e trasformarlo nel campo di Buddha.

Second, there are dances of the d�kas and d�kinīs of Guru Padma's retinue. Although based on Guru Chos-dbang's visions, there is some variation here, some monasteries performing elaborate dances of different groups in the retinue, while others simply have one set.

Third, there are dances of the eight aspects. Other figures from the "mythical" historical accounts of the establishment of the early teaching lineages in Tibet, such as the King Khri-Srong Ide-brtsan, the Mahayana scholar Š�ntaraksita, and the Vajra Master Vairocana, may also appear. Once the eight aspects are present, but before they dance, various figures enter to pay homage to the Guru, and after the Guru's dances, there may be further dances of offerings and praises.

In secondo luogo, ci sono le danze dei dāka e delle dākinī del seguito di Guru Padma. Sebbene basate sulle visioni di Guru Chos-dbang, presentano alcune varianti: alcuni monasteri eseguono elaborate danze di diversi gruppi del seguito, mentre altri ne hanno semplicemente una.

In terzo luogo, ci sono le danze degli otto aspetti. Possono comparire anche altre figure tratte dai resoconti storici "mitici" della fondazione dei primi lignaggi di insegnamento in Tibet, come il re Khri-Srong Ide-brtsan, lo studioso Mahayana Šāntaraksita e il Maestro Vajra Vairocana.

Una volta che gli otto aspetti sono presenti, ma prima di danzare, varie figure entrano per rendere omaggio al Guru e, dopo le danze del Guru, possono esserci ulteriori danze di offerte e lodi.

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The annual performance of the Guru mTshan brgyad 'chams at Rewalsar dates from a visit by sTag-lung-rtse sprul Rin-po-che on bDud-'joms Rin-po-che's request, for the purpose of instructing the monks. In 1982, only two of the monks actually dancing (not including the musicians) had received teaching at this time, but each year, practices were organised, and monks who had not previously danced could learn. The then caretaker monk, who was one of the original practitioners and clearly a talented dancer, began a practice group during the twelfth Tibetan month.

The group of six practised in the courtyard for about one hour every evening, with the caretaker monk demonstrating the steps of the Zhva-nag (Black Hat) dances, and in a good-humoured way, imitating clumsiness to show how not to dance. Three had never previously participated in a 'chams, and the oldest of these eventually dropped out and joined the monks providing the musical accompaniment on the tenth day.

There was, in fact, a shortage of monks, since a few were in the monastery's retreat, and when the senior dbu-mdzad ("Head monk", or "Master of Ceremonies" in the context of much monastic ritual) was prevented by backtrouble from providing further coaching, there was some uncertainty as to whether there would be a 'chams at all. The practices were interrupted for two days, but when the slob-dpon (the "Vajra Master", in charge of the monastery's ritual practice) returned from his visit to Nepal, he decided that the 'chams should go ahead, even if some of Guru Padma's aspects might not be able to dance; and he asked one of the monks in retreat to come out for the practice session (which began a week before the 'chams), to provide the final instruction.

The practices resumed, sometimes presided over by the slob-dpon who timed the steps by playing the cymbals. The dancers included two Young monks from the 'Bri-gung bKa'-rgyud-pa monastery, and a monk from a rNying-ma-pa monastery in Kinnaur, who had learnt and participated in the 'Ä�hams at Rewalsar three years previously. When the monk came out of retreat to coach the dancers, he taught the group the Ging 'chams, and through the process of his teaching the various dances of the eight aspectsand discussion with the slob-dpon, the roles of the different aspects were gradually allocated. The senior dbu-mdzad recovered enough to join the final rehearsal and to perform the Black Hat dance and the dance of Padmasambhava; monks from the bKa'-rgyud-pa monastery wore the costumes of the two consorts of Guru Padma and the two aspects, Åakya Seng-ge and Blo-ldan mChog-sred, who did not dance.

A few days before the 'chams, two of the monks checked the costumes which are stored in the upper storey of the temple, and made the necessary repairs.

The final rehearsal, complete with the textual and musical accompaniment, but without the costumes, took place on the evening of the ninth day. The monk musicians were mainly older monks who had danced in previous years.

The morning recitation practice began in the temple at 3.30 am., consisting of the full Bla-sgrub Las-byang ritual practice of Guru Padma, which had already been practised intensively for several days. The whole practice, including the Tshogs feast offering (normally performed in the afternoon) was completed by about 8.15 am., at which time the monks had a break.

IL DECIMO GIORNO DI 'CHAM

La pratica della recitazione mattutina iniziò nel tempio alle 3:30, consistente nell'intera pratica rituale del Bla-sgrub Las-byang di Guru Padma, che era già stata praticata intensamente per diversi giorni. L'intera pratica, inclusa l'offerta della festa di Tshogs (normalmente eseguita nel pomeriggio), fu completata intorno alle 8:15, ora in cui i monaci fecero una pausa.

The scheduled start to the 'chams (9 am.) was postponed due to heavy rain, and there was a further mantra recitation session in the temple.

THE ZHVA-NAG (BLACK HAT) AND GING 'CHAMS

A procession of bKa'-rgyud-pa monks playing instruments led the nine Zhva-nag (Black Hat) dancers into the courtyard, to the accompaniment of the rNying-ma-pa monk musicians. I have dealt with the Black Hat 'chams elsewhere; here, it suffices to note that the four Zhva-nag dances prepare for the manifestation of the Guru's aspects, by both purifying the outer and the inner mental environment, and inviting the Guru's presence. The first two dances demonstrate the ritual activities of "pacifying" and "destroying", and the third gSer-skyems -"Golden drink" offering - dance invites the deities of Guru Padma's mandala, along with the dharmapãlas, to prepare the place for the arising of the Guru, conferring their powers upon the practitioners. Finally, there is a dance of return to the temple.

After the Zhva-nag dances, there was a break while the dancers changed their costumes; eight of them were also to dance as Ging; members of Guru Padma's retinue who announce his imminent arrival.

The Ging 'chams is usually performed with eight dancers at Rewalsar owing to the lack of monks - I was informed that sixteen would by the ideal number. Half of the group are dpa' -bo - "Heroes" or vīra (Skt.) and half are dpa' -mo - 'Heroines" (vīr�), the males wearing mock tiger skins and the females wearing mock leopard skins. One informant said that rather than representing the male/female division, the two types of Ging were the Nam-ging ("Ging of the skies") and the Sa-ging (Ging of the earth).

Una processione di monaci bKa'-rgyud-pa che suonavano strumenti guidò i nove danzatori Zhva-nag (Cappello Nero) nel cortile, accompagnati dai monaci musicisti rNying-ma-pa. Ho già parlato altrove dei 'cham del Cappello Nero; qui, è sufficiente notare che le quattro danze Zhva-nag preparano alla manifestazione degli aspetti del Guru, purificando sia l'ambiente mentale esterno che quello interno, e invitando la presenza del Guru. Le prime due danze dimostrano le attività rituali di "pacificazione" e "distruzione", e la terza danza gSer-skyems - l'offerta della "bevanda dorata" - invita le divinità del mandala di Guru Padma, insieme ai dharmapãla, a preparare il luogo per l'apparizione del Guru, conferendo i loro poteri ai praticanti. Infine, c'è una danza di ritorno al tempio. Dopo le danze Zhva-nag, ci fu una pausa per il cambio d'abito dei danzatori; otto di loro avrebbero danzato anche come Ging, membri del seguito di Guru Padma che annunciano il suo imminente arrivo.

Il Ging'cham viene solitamente eseguito con otto danzatori a Rewalsar, a causa della mancanza di monaci; mi è stato detto che sedici sarebbero stati il numero ideale. Metà del gruppo è composto da dpa'-bo - "Eroi" o vīra (sanscrito) e metà da dpa'-mo - "Eroine" (vīrā), con i maschi che indossano finte pelli di tigre e le femmine che indossano finte pelli di leopardo. Un informatore ha affermato che, anziché rappresentare la divisione maschile/femminile, i due tipi di Ging erano il Nam-ging ("Ging dei cieli") e il Sa-ging (Ging della terra).

Questa divisione era utilizzata anche nei Ging 'cham eseguiti presso il monastero di 'Brug-pa a Hemis, Ladakh (vedi Nebesky-Wojkowitz).

These two categories are not mentioned in the Bla-sgrub Las-byang text where, in The Invitation, they are simply referred to as the "Four Ging who subdue M�ra", and they are situated in the four directions. Whether the twofold division is on the grounds of gender or spatial location, the most important classification of the Ging is according to their positions in the mandala: two, one from each group, come from each of the directions. This is expressed in the 'chams through the colours of the masks: two are blue (east), two are yellow (south), two red (west), and two green (north). The role of the Ging in the 'chams, as those who "subdue M�ra", is to destroy clear away any obstacles,26 so that the environment will be prepared for and the observers receptive to the true nature of the manifestation of the Guru, when they arise. As members of Guru Padma's retinue, they are an expression of his enlightened activities.

The Tibetans specifically refer to these Ging who appear in the mandala and in the 'chams, as Ging-chen, literally, "Great. Ging", distinguishing them from minor ging who are a group of worldly deities.

The Gings' masks have wrathful expressions, and each has multicoloured fan-like adornments on either side and a triangular flag attached above, with a long headdress hanging down the back, from the top of the mask. The Ging wear brocade poncho-like upper garments, "tiger" and "leopard skin" wraps, with ornamental strips of overlapping pieces of cloth hanging from their waists. Each Ging carries a pole drum in the left hand and a drumstick in the right.

The Ging 'chams began with the dancers rushing from the temple in two groups, beating their drums and running in different directions around the courtyard. This part of the "dance" is called gsum-skor, "three circumambulations", since both groups go around three times. The cymbals were played quickly and continuously throughout the dance, being joined by the horns at the beginning and at the end as the dancers returned to the temple. The seated monks recited a short praise to the Ging as the assembly of Heroes/Heroines surrounding Hayagrîva yab-yum (Bla - sgrub Lasbyang). Then the eastern and southern Ging formed one row, facing the northern and western Ging, and they all danced in these positions, whirling, hopping, bending over and kneeling.

I tibetani si riferiscono specificamente a questi Ging che appaiono nel mandala e nei 'cham come Ging-chen, letteralmente "Grandi". Ging", distinguendoli dai ging minori, che sono un gruppo di divinità mondane.

Le maschere dei Ging hanno espressioni irate e ciascuna presenta decorazioni multicolori a forma di ventaglio su entrambi i lati e una bandiera triangolare attaccata sopra, con un lungo copricapo che pende dalla parte superiore della maschera. I Ging indossano vesti superiori in broccato simili a poncho, mantelli di "pelle di tigre" e "pelle di leopardo", con strisce ornamentali di pezzi di stoffa sovrapposti che pendono dalla vita. Ogni Ging porta un tamburo damaro nella mano sinistra e una bacchetta nella destra.

I Ging 'cham iniziavano con i danzatori che uscivano di corsa dal tempio in due gruppi, battendo i loro tamburi e correndo in direzioni diverse intorno al cortile. Questa parte della "danza" è chiamata gsum-skor, "tre circumambulazioni", poiché entrambi i gruppi compiono tre giri. I cimbali venivano suonati velocemente e ininterrottamente durante la danza, a cui si univano i corni all'inizio e alla fine mentre i danzatori tornavano al tempio. I monaci seduti recitavano una breve lode al Ging, mentre l'assemblea di Eroi/Eroine circondava Hayagrîva yab-yum (Bla-sgrub Lasbyang). Quindi il Ging orientale e quello meridionale formavano un'unica fila, di fronte al Ging settentrionale e a quello occidentale, e tutti danzavano in queste posizioni, volteggiando, saltellando, chinandosi e inginocchiandosi.

Si scambiavano di posto, continuavano a danzare e poi formavano un unico cerchio, danzando prima in una direzione e poi nell'altra. Questo giro è chiamato dgu-skor, "nove circumambulazioni", poiché devono essere compiute nove rotazioni. Infine, i danzatori tornavano di corsa al tempio in fila indiana.

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THE EIGHT ASPECTS DANCE

Following an hour and a half's break during which the dancers could rest and eat, at about 3 pm., the procession to lead on the Guru and his aspects began. An older monk who had taken part in the morning dances led, carrying a white flag topped with burning incense. Behind, four monks held up "victory banners" (rgyal-mtshan); these are used in cerimonial processions to mark the coming of a high lama. They were followed by monks playing long horns and trumpets, while the monk musicians alongside joined in making music. Many spectators put the palms of their hands together in respect as the Guru's aspects emerge from the temple.

In the middle of the file walked the central form of the Guru flankedby his two consorts, with a monk holding a large ceremonial parasol over his head. The monastery's slob-dpon had requested a local respected sngags - pa to act as the Guru, since it is vital that the central figure should be an advanced meditation practitioner who can maintain awareness of himself as the Guru, and he should be felt by observers to embody Guru Padma's presence. In front of the Guru, Sakya Seng-ge, Padma rGyal-po and Padma - sambhava walked in file, and behind, Padma 'Byung-gnas, Blo-ldan mChog-sred and Nyi-ma 'Od-zer. They did one circumambulation of the courtyard while the two wrathful aspects, rDo-rje Gro-lod and Seng-ge sGra-sgrogs, danced, whirling around the courtyard. Then, they seated themselves along one side of the courtyard, the two wrathful aspects completing their dance and taking their places at the two ends of the line. Usually, I was told, ÅÄ�ntaraksita and Khri-Srong IDe-brtsan would also appear, as the other main figures who made the rNying-ma-pa lineages possible, but they were not represented because of the shortage of monks.

Then, two more figures walked from the temple up to the central form of the Guru to pay their respects. They were lndra and Brahma, the great Hindu deities, who in Buddhist thinking, became the kings of the worldly gods and peaceful protectors of the Dharma. On behalf of all the forces of Samsara, which they govern, they paid homage to the Guru.

To the accompaniment of the cymbals and drums, the monk musicians then began to chant praises to the Guru. The first three verses from the Bla-sgrub Las-byang section of "Praises" praise the Guru as the embodiment of the Trikaya, with the form of Samantabhadra, unobstructed speech and inconceivable unmoving mind; his form arisen for the benefit of beings, ornamented with Buddha marks and qualities, with complete mastery over the phenomenal world. This section was followed with a verse praising the five Thod-phreng-rtsals  "Emanations Garlanded with Skulls"- which encircle Guru Padma in the Bla-sgrub Las-byang text, and beyond which the eight aspects arise in the eight directions. The Thod-phreng-rtsals are praised for their accomplishment of the four activities; with the completion of this verse, the horns joined the cymbals in a crescendo of music.

The dance of Padma 'Byung-gnas began. With the cymbals playing, this aspect, dressed in accordance with the iconography of the form usually called " O-rgyan rDo-rje 'Chang', rose from his seat, and performed a slow dance with some whirling around. In his right hand, he held a rdo-rje and in his left, a bell; as he danced, he crossed over and uncrossed his arms several times, presumably demonstrating the inseparability of wisdom (the bell) and means (the rdo-rje).

While he danced, the lines praising Padma 'Byung-gnas were recited very slowly:

"Free from attachment, undefiled by any fault;

I praise the form of Padma ' Byung-gnas' "

The dance is called, "mTsho-kyi bzhad-pa'i stangs-stabs" , "Movement of blossoming from the lake", and it is associated with the "birth" of Padmã-kara from the lotus in the land of O-rgyan. This aspect, then, demonstrates the origination of Guru Padma's manifestation in the world and expresses his primordial Buddha nature.

The dance of Padmasambhava followed. Wearing saffron robes and the hat of an ācarya, he carried a skull-cup in his left hand, and throughout the dance, his right hand was in the teaching mudrÄ�. This dance was also slow and graceful; he lifted one leg straight out, turned, and then slowly moved his leg down, lifted the other leg, and so on. The dance is called, "Yon-tan-gyi rba-rlabs gYo-ba 'i stang-stabs" , "Movement of the rolling waves of Buddha qualities", here implying the qualities of knowledge and wisdom contained in his teachings, since Padmasambhava is essentially the aspect of Guru Padma as the Dharma teacher who established the monastery of bSam-yas and thus, Buddhism in Tibet. With the cymbals stillplaying, the monks recited his praise:

"The One who has fully perfected all Buddha qualities;

I praise the form of Padmasambhaval"

The next dance ought to have been that of Blo-ldan mChog-sred, who is associated with the perfection of the intellectual capacity. In accordance with the usual iconography, he wore royal garments and held a damaru in his right hand and a vase of red flowers in his left. The dance he would normally have performed is called, "rMongs-pa'i mun-pa sel-ba'i stangs-stabs", "Movement of clearing away the darkness of delusion" as he did not dance, the monks simply recited his praise:

"The One who is undeluded regarding everything to be under-stood,

I praise the form of Blo-ldan mChog-sredl"

Padma rGyal-po - "Lotus King" then performed the slow and Majestic dance of "Khams gsum dbang-sdud-kyi stangs-stabs" , "Movement of bringing the three worlds under (his) power". Dressed in the costume of a king with a mirror in his left hand, the most striking feature of this dance is that he held up and played a damaru in his right hand. Associated with the story of Guru Padma as the Prince of O-rgyan, the wider significance of this aspect is of the Guru as a king of the Dharma, controlling the phenomenal world. The monks chanted the appropriate praise:

"The One who has brought the three spheres of existence (of) the three worlds under his power;

I praise the form of Padma rGyal-po'"

The dance of Nyi-ma 'Od-zer followed. Although slow, as the dances of the previous peaceful aspects, it involved his whirling around on one leg and many arm movements.

Golden coloured, dressed as a yogi, wearing a mock tiger skin wrap and brandishing a khatv�nga in his right hand, this aspect represents the activity of subduing through the transmutation of the three poisons.

In one of the stories of Guru Padma, when some TÄ«rthikas attempted to poison him, he transformed the poison in amrta and demonstrated this form to subdue the TÄ«rthikas. His dance is called, "'Gro-ba 'dul-ba'i stangs-stabs", "Movement of subduing (all) beings".

The praise to him was recited:

"The One who removes the darkness of delusion,

subduer of all beings,

I praise the form of Nyi-ma 'Od-zer¡"

Next, the dance of Å akya Seng-ge should have been performed, but as in the case of Blo-ldan mChog-sred, the monks simply recited his prjaise:

"The One who subdues the four M�ras which lead beings astray,

I praise the form of Å akya Seng-gel"

His usual dance is known as, "bDud-phung 'joms-pa'i stang-stabs" , "Movement of overcoming the host of Mara", the activity which is, of course, associated with the Buddha Šakyamunťs attaining of Enlightenment, and in this case, Guru Padma's equal demonstration of Buddhahood. He was appropriately dressed in accordance with the Tibetan portrayal of Sakyamuni, with the one addition of a rdo-rje in his right hand.

Finally, the two wrathful aspects danced. First, Seng-ge sGra-sgrogs performed his dance called, "Srii gsum gYo-ba'i stang-stabs" , "Movement of shaking up the three worlds". This is associated with his overturning the world-view of five hundred TÄ«rthikas with destructive means. With a wrathful blue mask and apron embroidered with a wrathful face, covered with a mock tiger skin wrap, his dance was complex, faster than the peaceful dances, with whirling and hopping from one foot to the other.

His praise was as follows:

"The One who subdues the destructive spirits, the TÄ«rthikas;

I praise the form of Seng-ge sGra-sgrogs'"

As he completed his dance, a monk offered him a kha-btags (silk scarf).

Then, a layman, on behalf of the lay community, offered a kha-btags to the central figure of the Guru, and a monk offered one on behalf of the monastic community. The monk also offered a kha-btags to rDo-rje Gro-lod as he rose to dance. The offering of kha-btags is one of the most common Tibetan ritual forms: it expresses respect and gratitude.

The dance of rDo-rje Gro-lod is called, "Dregs-pa rtsa gcod-kyi stang-stabs", "Movement of eradicating the Arrogant Ones". rDo-rje Gro-lod is a really wrathful form of the Guru, manifested for the purpose of subduing negative forces and transforming them into Dharma protectors.

He has a special significance for the Rewalsar monks, since he is the monastery's yi-dam, and his practice is performed daily, both in the temple's main assembly hall and in the mGon-khang (the Protector' s shrine-room. With a maroon wrathful mask and dressed in a rich brocade outfit, an upper yellow robe and a mock tiger skin wrap, he wielded a rdo-rje and phur-pa and danced majestically, like Seng-ge sGra-sgrogsf with more movements than the peaceful dancers.

His praise was recited:

"The One who annihilates the obstacles and hostile forces of pride ( dregs-pa );

I praise the form of rDo-rje Gro-lod''

rDo-rje Gro-lod returned to his seat, and the horns were played, joining the cymbals which had accompanied the dances. Then, the mkhan-po gave instruments playing, the Guru and his aspects rose and followed the procession around the courtyard, the two wrathful aspects again not remaining in file but dancing whirling around as they circumambulated the courtyard. The monks leading the procession halted beside the temple porchway while the aspects walked in, with the dancing Seng-ge sGra-sgrogs and rDo-rje Gro-lod following. After some final music, the procession of monks followed them into the temple, and the mkhan-po gave some further teaching.

THE GURU N�TSHAN BRGYAD CHAMS:
THE SPECTATOR'S VIEWPOINT

Whether in practice, the dances constitute a "liberation through seeing" for the spectators is not an easy question to answer, but discussions on the significance of the dances with some of those who had watched, provided a consistent picture of the way the Tibetans view the dances.

The most immediate response on being asked their reasons for watching the 'chams is that it is, "byin-rlabs chen-po "great adhisthãna", quite different from entertainment such as cinema, since it has a very power-ful and beneficial effect on the mind. The idea of great byin-rlabs here is not simply that the presence of the Guru arises briefly, during the 'chams, but that the mental impression created by seeing him is so great that it remains imprinted on one's mind. The significance of this is that when one dies, there is a good likelihood that having once seen him, one will be able to recognise his forms again, and thus to be reborn in Zangs mdog dpal ri. Most informants stressed that the "seeing" is not simply a passive process; as each of the aspects danced, they would think, "This is Padma 'Byung-gnas himself"; "This is Padmasambhava himself", and so on.

They either said that they would then do a supplication to each aspect or that they would develop the aspiration to see them again in Zangs mdog dpal ri.

One nun added that such an aspiration is particularly powerful if coupled with regret at one's previous negative actions, so that one thinks, "May my negative actions not lead me to the hell realms; may they be purified and may I gain birth in Zangs mdog dpal ri". A married female practitioner emphasised that although the 'chams is very powerful, it will not necessarily help if after observing it, one continues life as though it has no relevance. It is important to remind oneself of the presence of the Guru every day, to do supplication and create the aspiration to realise Buddhahood.

The mkhan-po said that as one spectates, one should perform the Generation stage (bskyed-rim) meditation of dag-snang, "pure appearances". This means that everything which arises is "pure" or "empty" (Skt. sünya; Tib. stong-pa) in its nature, but spontaneously appears as the display of the mandala. One should not "grasp" the manifestations of the Guru as though they were substantial, but should see them as being radiant andempty (gsal-stong). Perfection of this meditation constitutes, "Liberation through seeing". Most informants did not mention such a meditation that could be spontaneously liberating, although one monk with years of meditation experience, spoke in one breath of making supplication, and doing the "radiant and empty" meditation. Faith or devotion, and emptiness meditation are both integrated in most Vajrayana practices.

The mkhan-po assumed that the practitioner would have devotion to the Guru, while the other informants' comments were made in the context of Tibetan Buddhist assumptions concerning the nature of Zangs mdog dpal ri and its inhabitants, as insubstantial, empty, clear and luminous. The difference is that they emphasised the "gradual" approach to the Path.

They recognised the aspects as manifestations of the Buddha-mind, yet, feeling far from Realisation, the glimpse served as an inspiration to aspire to a later rebirth in Zaņgs mdog dpal ri. On the other hand, the mkhan-po was concentrating on the meditation of realising all appearances as they arise, to be Zangs mdog dpal ri. Yet in practice, it would not be likely for such a meditation to be instantaneously perfected, and it would not conflict with practices which emphasise the relative level. Clearly, each spectator will view the 'chams from the perspective of their own level of practice, as well as that of their own unique individual experience. In general, Tibetans are aware of the Guru's presence as they watch, and feeling devotion as a result, they aspire to be born in his Buddha-field.

Although some 'chams may be primarily oriented to bringing about worldly benefits,33 such as auspicious circumstances or the reinforcement of the lifeforce etc., this does not seem to apply to the Guru mTshan brgyad 'chams. Its performance at Rewalsar could be said to constitute an important component of the reciprocity between monks and lay patrons, especially since it is performed at a time when the lay villagers supporting the monastery are able to attend, and the occasion is also used for their committee's annual business meeting, when they discuss the monastery's financial and practical needs.

However, in this instance, as in the case of much Dharma teaching which lamas impart to their followers, the benefit which the monks provide for the lay people is not equated with worldly goals.